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Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz (born August 13, 1926) is the current
President of Cuba. He held the title of Prime Minister from 1959
[1], after commanding the revolution that overthrew Fulgencio
Batista, until 1976 when he became president of the Council of
State as well as the Council of Ministers. Castro became first
secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba in 1965, and led the
transformation of Cuba into a one-party socialist republic. As
president he also holds the supreme military rank of Comandante
in the Cuban military. On July 31, 2006, Castro temporarily
transferred duties to his brother Raúl to recover from
intestinal surgery.
Castro first attracted attention in Cuban political life through
his nationalist critiques of Batista and United States corporate
and political influence in Cuba. He gained an ardent, but
limited, following and also drew the attention of the
authorities.[2] He eventually led the failed 1953 attack on the
Moncada Barracks, after which he was captured, tried,
incarcerated and later released. He then travelled to
Mexico[3][4] to organize and train for the guerrilla invasion of
Cuba that took place in December 1956. Since his assumption of
power in 1959 he has evoked both praise and condemnation (at
home and internationally).
Outside of Cuba, Castro has been defined by his relationship
with both the United States and with the former Soviet Union.
Ever since the failed Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961 by
the United States, the Castro led government has had an openly
antagonistic relationship with the US, and a simultaneous
closeness with the Soviet bloc. This was true until the collapse
of the Soviet Union in 1991, after which his priorities shifted
from supporting foreign interventions to partnering with
regional socialist figures such as Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and
Evo Morales in Bolivia.
Domestically, Fidel Castro has overseen the implementation of
various economic policies which saw the rapid centralization of
Cuba's economy - land reform, collectivization of agriculture,
and the nationalization of leading Cuban industries. The
expansion of publicly funded health care and education has been
a cornerstone of Castro's domestic social agenda. Some credit
these policies for Cuba's relatively high Human Development
Index. [5] Others see Castro and his policies as being
responsible for Cuba's general economic depredation, and harshly
criticize him for the criminalization of political dissent and
free speech.
****
In
office since 2 December 1976
Vice President(s) Raúl Castro Ruz
Preceded by Osvaldo Dorticós Torrado
Born August 13, 1926
Birán, Holguín Province, Cuba
Political party Communist Party of Cuba
Spouse (1) Mirta Díaz-Balart (divorced 1955)
(2)
Dalia Soto del Valle
Prime Ministers of Cuba
In
office
16
February 1959 – present
Preceded by José Miró Cardona
Succeeded by Incumbent
****
Childhood and
education
Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz was born on a sugar plantation in
Birán, near Mayarí, in the modern-day province of Holguín – then
a part of the now-defunct Oriente province. He was the third
child born to Ángel Castro y Argiz, a Spanish immigrant who
became relatively prosperous through hard work in the sugar
industry and shrewd investments. His mother, Lina Ruz González,
was a household servant.[6]
Castro has two brothers: Ramón and Raúl, and three sisters:
Angela, Juanita and Emma.
Fidel was not baptized until he was eight, also very uncommon,
bringing embarrassment and ridicule from other children[7][8].
Ángel Castro finally dissolved his first marriage when Fidel was
15 and married Fidel’s mother. Castro was formally recognized by
his father when he was 17, when his last name was legally
changed to Castro from Rúz, his mother’s maiden name.[7][8] At
the same time, Fidel changed his middle name to “Alejandro”
(Alexander) after reading about the Macedonian warrior in
school.
Although accounts of his education differ, most sources agree
that he was an intellectually gifted student, more interested in
sports than in academics, and spent many years in private
Catholic boarding schools, finishing high school at Belen, a
Jesuit school in Havana in 1945. [9]
In
late 1945, he entered law school at the University of Havana.
Political beginnings
Castro became immediately fascinated by the politics on campus
at the University of Havana. The campus atmosphere during that
volatile period in Cuba's history was so aggressive that
organized political gangs condoning violence had become an
important tool for those students aspiring to be successful
leaders. Politics centered around these political gangs and
Castro participated in their often violent confrontations. [10]
In
1947, growing increasingly passionate about social justice
lacking under Cuba's current system, Castro joined the Partido
Ortodoxos which had been newly formed by Eduardo Chibás. A
charismatic and emotional figure, Chibás was running for
president against the incumbent Ramón Grau San Martín who had
allowed rampant corruption to flourish during his term. The
Partido Ortodoxos publicly exposed corruption and demanded
government and social reform. It aimed to instill a strong sense
of national identity among Cubans, establish Cuban economic
independence and freedom from the United States, and dismantle
the power of the elite over Cuban politics. Though Chibás lost
the election, Castro, considering Chibás his mentor, remained
committed to his cause, working fervently on his behalf. In
1951, while running for president again, Chibás shot himself in
the stomach during a radio broadcast. Castro was present and
accompanied him to the hospital where he died.[11]
Bogotazo
Main article: Bogotazo
Fidel Castro's role in this incident has been dogged by
speculation and controversy but the following account seems to
be generally agreed upon. In 1948 Castro traveled to Bogotá in
Colombia for a political conference of Latin American students
that coincided with the ninth meeting of the Pan-American Union
Conference. The students had planned to use this opportunity to
distribute pamphlets protesting United States dominance of the
Western Hemisphere and to foment discontent. A few days after
the conference began, the populist Colombian Liberal Party
leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitán was assassinated, triggering massive
riots in the streets in which many (mostly poor workers) were
injured or killed. Rioting and looting spread to other cities in
Colombia, beginning an era of turbulence that became known as La
Violencia. The students were caught up in the violence and chaos
rocking the city, picking up rifles and roaming the streets
distributing anti-United States material and stirring a revolt.
When Castro was pursued by the Colombian authorities for his
role in the riots, he took refuge in the Cuban Embassy and was
flown back to Havana. [12] [13] It seems clear that experiencing
the power of popular insurrection had an effect on Castro and
influenced his subsequent political thinking.
Castro returned to Cuba and married Mirta Díaz Balart, a student
from a wealthy Cuban family where he was exposed to the
lifestyle of the Cuban elite. In 1950 he graduated from law
school with a Doctor of Laws degree and began practicing law in
a small partnership in Havana, mostly representing the poor and
underprivileged. By now he had become well known for his
passionately nationalistic views and his intense opposition to
the influence of the United States on Cuban internal affairs.
Increasingly interested in a career in politics, Castro had
become a candidate for a seat in the Cuban parliament when
General Fulgencio Batista led a coup d'état in 1952,
successfully overthrowing the government of President Carlos
Prío Socarrás and canceling the election.
Batista established himself as de facto leader with the support
of establishment elements of Cuban society and powerful Cuban
agencies. His regime was formally recognized by the United
States, buttressing his power. These events effectively ended
Castro's chances of pursuing a legitimate political career in
Cuba.
Frustrated, Castro broke away from the Partido Ortodoxo and
marshaled legal arguments based on the Constitution of 1940 to
formally charge Batista with violating the constitution. His
petition was denied by the Court of Constitutional Guarantees
and he was not allowed a hearing. This experience formed the
foundation for Castro's opposition to the Batista regime and
convinced him that revolution was the only way to depose
Batista.[14]
Attack on Moncada
Barracks
Main article: Moncada Barracks
As
discontent over the Batista coup grew, Castro abandoned his law
practice and formed an underground organization of supporters,
including his brother, Raúl, and actively plotted to overthrow
Batista. They collected guns and ammunition and finalized their
plans for an armed attack on Moncada Barracks, Batista's largest
garrison outside Santiago de Cuba. On the 26th of July, 1953,
they attacked Moncada Barracks. The Céspedes garrison in Bayamo
was also attacked as a diversion.[15] The attack proved
disastrous and more than sixty of the one-hundred and
thirty-five militants involved were killed.
Castro and other surviving members of his group managed to
escape to a part of the rugged Sierra Maestra[16] mountains east
of Santiago where they were eventually discovered and captured.
Although there is disagreement over why Castro and his brother,
Raúl, were not executed on capture as many of their fellow
militants were, there is evidence that an officer recognized
Castro from his university days and treated the captured rebels
compassionately, despite the unofficial order to have the leader
executed.[17]
Castro was tried in the fall of 1953 and sentenced up to fifteen
years in prison.[18] During his trial Castro delivered his
famous defense speech History Will Absolve Me [19], upholding
his rebellious actions and boldly declaring his political views:
I warn you, I am just beginning! If there is in your hearts a
vestige of love for your country, love for humanity, love for
justice, listen carefully... I know that the regime will try to
suppress the truth by all possible means; I know that there will
be a conspiracy to bury me in oblivion. But my voice will not be
stifled – it will rise from my breast even when I feel most
alone, and my heart will give it all the fire that callous
cowards deny it... Condemn me. It does not matter. History will
absolve me.
While he was being held at the prison for political activists on
Isla de Pinos, he continued to plot Batista's overthrow,
planning upon release to reorganize and train in Mexico.[20]
After having served less than two years, he was released in May
1955 due to a general amnesty from Batista who was under
political pressure, and went as planned to Mexico. [21]
26th of July
Movement
Main article: 26th of July Movement
Once in Mexico, Castro reunited with other Cuban exiles and
founded the 26th of July Movement, named after the date of the
failed attack on the Moncada Barracks. The goal remained the
overthrow of Fulgencio Batista. Castro had learned from the
Moncada experience that new tactics were needed if Batista's
forces were to be defeated. This time the plan was to use
underground guerrilla tactics, at that time a form of combat
unknown in Latin America.[22]
In
Mexico Castro met Ernesto "Che" Guevara, a theoretician of
guerrilla warfare. Guevara joined the group of rebels and became
an important force in shaping Castro's evolving political
beliefs. Guevara's observations of the misery of the poor in
Latin America had already convinced him that the only solution
lay in violent revolution.
Since regular contacts with a KGB agent named Nikolai Sergeevich
Leonov in Mexico City had not resulted in the hoped for weapon
supply, [23] they decided to go to the United States to gather
personnel and funds from Cubans living there, including Carlos
Prío Socarrás, the elected Cuban president deposed by Batista in
1952. Back in Mexico, the group trained under a Spanish Civil
War Veteran, Cuban born Alberto Bayo [24] who had fled to Mexico
after Francisco Franco's victory in Spain. On November 26, 1956,
Castro and his group of 82 exiles returned to Cuba for the
purpose of starting a rebellion, sailing from Tuxpan on the now
famous yacht Granma.[25]
The
rebels landed in Los Cayuelos near the eastern city of
Manzanillo on December 2, 1956. In short order most of Castro's
men were killed, dispersed, or taken prisoner by Batista's
men.[26] While the exact number is in dispute, it is agreed that
no more than twenty of the original eighty-two men survived the
bloody encounters with the Cuban army and succeeded in fleeing
to the Sierra Maestra mountains. [27] The survivors, who were
undoubtedly aided by people in the countryside, included Che
Guevara, Raúl Castro, and Camilo Cienfuegos. They regrouped in
the Sierra Maestra in Oriente province and organized a column
under Castro's command.
From their retreat in the Sierra Maestra mountains, the 26th of
July Movement waged a guerrilla war against the Batista
government. In the cities and major towns also, resistance
groups were organizing until underground groups were everywhere.
The strongest was in Santiago formed by Frank País.[28] [29]
In
the summer of 1955, País’ organization merged with the July 26
Movement of Fidel. As Castro's movement gained popular support
in the cities and countryside, it grew to over eight hundred
men. In mid-1957 Castro gave Che Guevara command of a second
column. A journalist, Herbert Matthews from the New York Times,
came to interview him in the Sierra Maestra, attracting interest
to Castro's cause in the United States. The NYTimes front page
stories by Matthews presented Castro as a romantic and appealing
revolutionary, bearded and dressed in rumpled fatiques.[30] [31]
Castro and Matthews were followed by the TV crew of Andrew Saint
George, said to be a CIA contact person.[32] Through television,
Castro's rudimentary command of the English language and
charismatic presence enabled him to appeal directly to a US
audience.
Operation Verano
In
May of 1958 Batista launched Operation Verano aiming to crush
Castro and other anti-government groups. It was called "la
Ofensiva" by the rebels (Alarcón Ramírez,1997). Although on
paper heavily outnumbered, Castro's guerrilla forces scored a
series of victories, largely aided by mass desertions from
Batista's army of poorly trained and uncommitted young
conscripts. During the Battle of La Plata, Castro's forces
defeated an entire battalion. While pro-Castro Cuban sources
later emphasized the role of Castro's guerrilla forces in these
battles, other groups and leaders were involved, such as
escopeteros (poorly-armed irregulars). During the Battle of Las
Mercedes, Castro's small army came close to defeat but he
managed to pull his troops out by opening up negotiations with
General Cantillo while secretly slipping his soldiers out of a
trap. Castro later had Cantillo imprisoned and shot.
When Operation Verano ended, Castro ordered three columns
commanded by Guevara, Jaime Vega and Camilo Cienfuegos to invade
central Cuba where they were strongly supported by rebellious
elements who had long been operating in the area. One of
Castro's columns moved out onto the Cauto Plains. Here they were
supported by Huber Matos, Raúl Castro and others to the eastern
most part of the province. On the plains Castro's forces first
surrounded the town of Guisa in Granma Province and drove out
their enemies, then proceeded to take most of the towns that
were taken by Calixto Garcia in the 1895-1898 Cuban War of
Independence.
Battle of Yaguajay
In
December 1958, the columns of Che Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos
joined with other anti-Batista forces already in the guerrilla
stronghold in the Sierra Maestra mountains. Although they were
greatly outnumbered by Batista's forces, they enjoyed enormous
popular support. They succeeded in occupying several towns, and
then began preparations for an attack on Santa Clara, Cuba the
provincial capital of Las Villas. The rebel guerrillas, led by
Fidel Castro, launched a fierce attack on the Cuban army
surrounding Santa Clara, and a vicious house-to-house battle
ensued. The capture of Las Villas was a key step before the
advance on the capital of Havana.[33]
Guevara's column derailed an armored train which Batista had
sent to aid his troops in the city while Cienfuegos won the
Battle of Yaguajay. Defeated on all sides, Batista's forces
crumbled. The provincial capital was captured after less than a
day of fighting on December 31, 1958.
With the loss of Santa Clara and expecting the betrayal of his
own army, Batista and president-elect Andres Rivero Agüero fled
Cuba in the early hours of January 1, 1959, initially to the
Dominican Republic and then to Francisco Franco's Spain. He left
behind a junta headed by Gen. Eulogio Cantillo, recently the
commander in Oriente province, the center of the Castro revolt.
The junta immediately selected Dr. Carlos Piedra, the oldest
judge of the Supreme Court, as provisional President of Cuba as
specified in the Constitution of 1940. Castro refused to accept
the selection of Justice Piedra as provisional President and The
Supreme Court refused to administer the oath of office to the
Justice.[34]
The
rebel forces of Fidel Castro moved swiftly to seize power
throughout the island.[35] At the age of 32, Castro had
successfully masterminded a classic guerrilla campaign from his
headquarters in the Sierra Maestra and ousted Batista.
Assumption of power
On
January 1, 1959, Castro's army, having defeated the
American-backed Batista government, rolled victoriously into
Havana.[36] As news of fall of the government spread through
Havana, The New York Times described the scene as one of
jubilant crowds pouring into the streets and automobile horns
honking. The black and red flag of the 26th of July Movement
waved on automobiles and buildings. The atmosphere was
chaotic.[37]
Castro called a general strike in protest of the Piedra regime.
He demanded that Dr. Urrutia, former judge of the Urgency Court
of Santiago de Cuba, be installed as the provisional President
instead. The Cane Planters Association of Cuba, speaking on
behalf of the island's crucial sugar industry, issued a
statement of support for Castro and his movement.[38]
Law
professor José Miró Cardona created a new government with
himself as prime minister and Manuel Urrutia Lleó as president
on January 5. The United States officially recognized the new
government two days later.[39] Castro himself arrived in Havana
to cheering mobs and assumed the post of Commander-in-Chief of
the Armed Forces on January 8.
In
February Miró unexpectedly resigned and on February 16, 1959,
Castro was sworn in as Prime Minister of Cuba.[40]
Soon friction with the US developed as the new government began
expropriating property owned by major U.S. corporations (United
Fruit in particular) and planned to base the compensation on the
artificially low property valuations that the companies
themselves had kept low so their taxes would be negligible.[41]
Between April 15th and 26th, Castro and a delegation of
industrial and international representatives visited the U.S. as
guests of the Press Club. This visit was perceived by many as a
charm offensive on the part of Castro and his recently initiated
government, the fact that Castro hired one of the best public
relations firms in the United States adds to that conclusion.
Castro answered impertinent questions jokingly, ate hotdogs and
hamburgers. His rumpled fatigues and scruffy beard made him seem
an authentic hero.[42] He was refused a meeting with President
Eisenhower. Rebuffed, he soon joined forces with the Soviet
leader, Nikita Khrushchev.[43]
In
the fourth month of his prime ministership, on May 17, Castro
signed the First Agrarian Reform Law, which expropriated over
1,000 acres of farmlands and forbade foreign land ownership.[44]
Years in power
In
February 1960 Cuba signed an agreement to buy oil from the USSR.
When the US-owned refineries in Cuba refused to process the oil,
they were expropriated, and the United States broke off
diplomatic relations with the Castro government soon afterward.
To the concern of the Eisenhower administration, Cuba began to
establish closer ties with the Soviet Union. A variety of pacts
were signed between Castro and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev,
allowing Cuba to receive large amounts of economic and military
aid from them.
In
June 1960, Eisenhower reduced Cuba's sugar import quota by
7,000,000 tons, and in response, Cuba nationalized some $850
million worth of US property and businesses. The revolutionary
government grabbed control of the nation by nationalizing
industry, expropriating property owned by Cubans and non-Cubans
alike, collectivizing agriculture, and enacting policies which
it claimed would benefit the population. While popular among the
poor, these policies alienated many former supporters of the
revolution among the Cuban middle and upper-classes. Over one
million Cubans later migrated to the US, forming a vocal
anti-Castro community in Miami, Florida. (See Cuban-American
lobby.)
President Dwight Eisenhower broke off ties on January 3, 1961,
saying Fidel Castro had provoked him once too often.[45] As
early as July 1959 Castro's intelligence chief Ramiro Valdés
contacted the KGB in Mexico City. [46] Subsequently, the USSR
sent over one hundred mostly Spanish speaking advisors,
including Enrique Líster Forján, to organize the Committees for
the Defense of the Revolution.
By
1961 the US Government was engaged in a semi-secret campaign to
remove Castro from power. The unsuccessful Bay of Pigs invasion
in April 1961 – an attempt to topple Castro by supporting an
armed force of Cuban exiles to retake the island – is one of the
most well-known examples of this campaign.
Bay of Pigs
Main article: Bay of Pigs Invasion
A
timeline released by the National Security Archives shows the US
began planning to overthrow the government of Cuba in October,
1959.[47] On April 17, 1961, approximately 1,400 members of a
CIA-trained Cuban exile force landed at the Bay of Pigs, while
the United States denied any involvement.
Documents released by the National Security Archive show that
the CIA expected the Cuban people to welcome a U.S.-sponsored
invasion, spontaneously rising up against the Castro regime. It
expected Cuban military and police forces to refuse to fight
against the CIA's 1400-man mercenary invasion force.[48]
President Kennedy had withdrawn support for the invasion at the
last minute by canceling several bombing sorties that could have
crippled the entire Cuban Air Force.[49] The brief military
invasion ended in total failure and quickly became a foreign
policy debacle for Kennedy. He had approved the plan just three
months into his presidency. [50]
Castro had repulsed the invaders, killing many and capturing a
thousand. On May 1, 1961, as hundreds of thousands celebrating
May Day roared their approval, Castro announced that Cuba was a
socialist nation and abolished elections.[51] In a nationally
broadcast speech on December 2, 1961, Castro declared that he
was a Marxist-Leninist and that Cuba was adopting Communism. On
February 7, 1962, the US imposed an embargo against Cuba. This
embargo was broadened during 1962 and 1963, including a general
travel ban for American tourists. [52]
Many theories are offered for the failure of the operation. Some
argue that Kennedy's last minute decision to withdraw air
support caused the invasion to fail, though this has been more
recently discarded. [citation needed] The likely cause of the
failure was that the Americans misjudged Cuban support for
Castro. [citation needed] They had believed the testimonies of
the Cuban exiles, who told them that Castro was not well
supported by the Cuban people, when in fact, Castro enjoyed wide
support at this time. The idea that Cubans would rise up against
Castro, was simply a misconception on the part of the
Eisenhower, and then Kennedy administrations. As well, the
CIA-trained force of 1,400 armed only with light-arms, faced a
Cuban force of tens of thousand armed with tanks, and artillery.
[citation needed] In addition, the covert placement of dozens of
Cuban intelligence officials in the invasion force gave the
Cuban government detailed information on the operation. [53]
Cuban Missile Crisis
Main article: Cuban Missile Crisis
Tensions between Castro and US heightened during the 1962 Cuban
missile crisis, which nearly brought the US and the USSR to
direct confrontation. Khrushchev conceived the idea of placing
missiles in Cuba as a deterrent to a US invasion and justified
the move in response to US missile deployment in Turkey. After
consultations with his military advisors, he met with a Cuban
delegation led by Raúl Castro in July in order to work out the
specifics. It was agreed to deploy Soviet R-12 MRBMs on Cuban
soil; however, American Lockheed U-2 reconnaissance discovered
the construction of the missile installations on 15 October 1962
before the weapons had actually been deployed. The US government
viewed the installation of Soviet nuclear weapons 90 miles south
of Key West as an aggressive act and a threat to US security. As
a result, the US publicly announced its discovery on 22 October
1962, and implemented a quarantine around Cuba that would
actively intercept and search any vessels heading for the
island. Nikolai Sergeevich Leonov, who would become General in
KGB Intelligence Directorate, [54] and Soviet KGB deputy station
chief in Warsaw, was the translator Castro used for contact with
the Russians.
In
a personal letter to Khrushchev dated 27 October 1962, Castro
urged Khrushchev to launch a nuclear first strike against the
United States if Cuba were invaded, but Khrushchev rejected any
first strike response. [55] Soviet field commanders in Cuba
were, however, authorized to use tactical nuclear weapons if
attacked by the United States. Khrushchev agreed to remove the
missiles in exchange for a US commitment not to invade Cuba and
an understanding that the US would remove American MRBMs
targeting the Soviet Union from Turkey and Italy, a measure that
the US implemented a few months later. The missile swap was
never publicized because the Kennedy Administration demanded
secrecy in order to preserve NATO relations and protect
Democratic candidates in the upcoming elections.
Embargo
This article or section needs a complete rewrite for the reasons
listed on the talk page.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Cuba was left
bankrupt and isolated by the disintegration of the Soviet bloc.
Eighty-five percent of its markets had disappeared, along with
the subsidies and trade agreements that had supported its
economy. The situation became desperate. Daily life was a
struggle with extended gas and water outages, severe power
shortages, and dwindling food supplies available for
rationing.[56]
Although Castro rails against the US embargo against Cuba, he
has used it to unite the Cuban people for over 40 years.[57] A
former Prime Minister of Spain has written that the embargo is
Castro's greatest ally, as it perpetuates the government and, if
lifted, Castro would lose his presidency in three months.[58]
Many have condemned the embargo ranging from Pope John Paul II
(in 1998 and 2005)[59][60], to Steven Spielberg[61] for
humanitarian reasons.
By
1994 the island's economy, which had survived over 30 years of
sanctions by the US, teetered on the brink. Cuba was plunged
into what is called their "Special Period" during which there
were shortages of everything. To survive, Cuba legalized the US
dollar and turned to tourism. Even as late as 2004, Castro was
forced to shut down 118 factories, including steel plants, sugar
mills and paper processors for the month of October to deal with
the crisis in fuel shortages.[62]
After the massive damage caused by Hurricane Michelle in 2001,
Castro proposed to the U.S. a one-time cash purchase of food
after declining a U.S. offer of humanitarian aid.[63] The U.S.
authorized the shipment of food in 2001, the first since the
embargo was imposed in 1962, because of the devastation caused
by the hurricane.[64]
Castro and the
Soviet Union
Following the establishment of diplomatic ties to the Soviet
Union, and after the Cuban Missile Crisis, Cuba became
increasingly dependent on Soviet markets and military and
economic aid. Castro was able to build a formidable military
force with the help of Soviet equipment and military advisors.
The KGB kept in close touch with Havana, and Castro tightened
Communist Party control over all levels of government, the
media, and the educational system, while developing a
Soviet-style internal police force.
Castro's alliance with the Soviet Union caused something of a
split between him and Guevara, who took a more pro-Chinese view
following ideological conflict between the CPSU and the Maoist
CPC. [citation needed] In 1966, Guevara left for Bolivia in an
ill-fated attempt to stir up revolution against the country's
government.
On
23 August 1968 Castro made a public gesture to the Soviet Union
that reaffirmed their support in him. Two days after the Soviet
invasion of Czechoslovakia to repress the Prague Spring, Castro
took to the airwaves and publicly denounced the Czech rebellion.
Castro warned the Cuban people about the Czechoslovakian
'counterrevolutionaries', who "were moving Czechoslovakia
towards capitalism and into the arms of imperialists". He called
the leaders of the rebellion "the agents of West Germany and
fascist reactionary rabble." [65] In return for his public
backing of the invasion, at a time when many Soviet allies were
deeming the invasion an infringement of Czechoslovakia's
sovereignty, the Soviets bailed out the Cuban economy with extra
loans and an immediate increase in oil exports.
In
1971, following the re-establishment of diplomatic relations
with Cuba, despite a previously established Organization of
American States convention that no nation in the Western
Hemisphere would do so (the only exception being Mexico, which
had refused to adopt that convention), Cuban President Fidel
Castro took a month-long visit to Chile. The visit, in which
Castro participated actively in the internal politics of the
country, holding massive rallies and giving public advice to
Allende, was seen by those on the political right as proof to
support their view that "The Chilean Way to Socialism" was an
effort to put Chile on the same path as Cuba. [66]
On
November 4, 1975, Castro ordered the deployment of Cuban troops
to Angola in order to aid the Marxist MPLA-ruled government
against the South African-backed UNITA opposition forces. Moscow
aided the Cuban initiative with the USSR engaging in a massive
airlift of Cuban forces into Angola. On Cuba's role in Angola,
Nelson Mandela is said to have remarked "Cuban internationalists
have done so much for African independence, freedom, and
justice." [67] Cuban troops were also sent to Marxist Ethiopia
to assist Ethiopian forces in the Ogaden War with Somalia in
1977. In addition, Castro extended support to Marxist
Revolutionary movements throughout Latin America, such as aiding
the Sandinistas in overthrowing the Somoza dictatorship in
Nicaragua in 1979. Overall, an estimated 14,000 Cubans were
killed in Cuban military actions abroad. [68]
When Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev visited Cuba in 1989, the
close relationship between Moscow and Havana was strained by
Gorbachev's implementation of economic and political reforms in
the USSR. "We are witnessing sad things in other socialist
countries, very sad things," lamented Castro in November 1989,
in reference to the reforms that were sweeping such communist
allies as the Soviet Union, East Germany, Hungary, and
Poland.[69] The subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991
had an immediate and devastating effect on Cuba.
Foreign relations
Cuba and Panama have restored diplomatic ties after breaking
them off in 2005 when Panama's former president pardoned four
Cuban exiles accused of attempting to assassinate Cuban
President Fidel Castro. The foreign minister of each country
re-established official diplomatic relations in Havana by
signing a document describing a spirit of fraternity that has
long linked both nations.[70] Cuba, once shunned by many of its
Latin American neighbours, now has full diplomatic relations
with all but Costa Rica and El Salvador.[70]
Although the relationship between Cuba and Mexico remains
strained, each side appears to make attempts to improve it. In
1998 Fidel Castro apologised for remarks he made about Mickey
Mouse which led Mexico to recall its ambassador from Havana. He
said he intended no offense when he said earlier that Mexican
children would find it easier to name Disney characters than to
recount key figures in Mexican history. Rather, he said, his
words were meant to underscore the cultural dominance of the
US.[71] Mexican president, Vicente Fox, apologised to Fidel
Castro in 2002 over allegations by Castro that Fox forced him to
leave a United Nations summit in Mexico so that he would not be
in the presence of President Bush, who also attended.[72]
At
a summit meeting of sixteen Caribbean countries in 1998, Castro
called for regional unity, saying that only strengthened
cooperation between Caribbean countries would prevent their
domination by rich nations in a global economy.[73] Caribbean
nations have embraced Cuba's Fidel Castro while accusing the US
of breaking trade promises. Castro, until recently a regional
outcast, has been increasing grants and scholarships to the
Caribbean countries, while US aid has dropped 25% over the past
five years.[74] Cuba has opened four additional embassies in the
Caribbean Community including: Antigua and Barbados, Dominica,
Suriname, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. This development
makes Cuba the only country to have embassies in all independent
countries of the Caribbean Community.[75]
In
the poorest areas of Latin America and Africa, Castro is seen as
a hero, the leader of the Third World, and the enemy of the
wealthy and greedy.[76] On a visit to South Africa he was warmly
received by President Nelson Mandela.[77] President Mandela gave
Castro South Africa's highest civilian award for foreigners, the
Order of Good Hope.[78] Last December Castro fulfilled his
promise of sending 100 medical aid workers to Botswana,
according to the Botswana presidency. These workers play an
important role in Botswana's war against HIV/AIDS. According to
Anna Vallejera, Cuba's first-ever Ambassador to Botswana, the
health workers are part of her country's ongoing commitment to
proactively assist in the global war against HIV/AIDS,[79]
The
president of Venezuela Hugo Chávez is a grand admirer of his and
Bolivian president Evo Morales called him the "Grandfather". In
Harlem he is seen as an icon because of his historic visit with
Malcolm X in 1960 at the Hotel Theresa.[citation needed]
Castro was known to be a friend of former Canadian Prime
Minister Pierre Trudeau and attended Trudeau's funeral in
October 2000 to mourn the passing of his friend. They continued
their friendship after Trudeau left office until his death.
Canada became one of the first American allies to open trade
with Cuba. Cuba still has a good relationship with Canada. In
1998 Canadian Prime Minister, Jean Chretien arrived in Cuba to
meet President Castro and highlight their close ties. He is the
first Canadian government leader to visit the island since
Pierre Trudeau was in Havana in 1976.[80]
European Union representatives described their political
dialogue with Cuba as back on track after a weekend of talks in
Havana. The EU praised Cuba's willingness to discuss questions
of human rights. Cuba is the only Latin American country without
an economic co-operation agreement with the EU. However trade
with individual European countries remains strong, since the US
trade embargo on Cuba leaves the market free from American
rivals.[81] In 2005 EU Development Commissioner Louis Michel
ended his visit to Cuba optimistic that relations with the
communist state will become stronger. The EU is Cuba's largest
trading partner. Cuba's imprisonment of 75 dissidents and the
execution of three hijackers have strained diplomatic relations.
However the EU commissioner was impressed with Fidel Castro's
willingness to discuss these concerns, although he received no
commitments from Castro. Cuba does not admit to holding
political prisoners, rather seeing them as mercenaries in the
pay of the United States.[82]
Succession issues
On
July 31, 2006, the spokesman for Castro announced a provisional
transfer of his duties as president and Communist Party first
secretary to his younger brother Raúl. The announcement cited
"an acute intestinal crisis, with sustained bleeding" requiring
immediate medical intervention, as the cause of his decision to
cede control.[83] The announcement marked the first delegation
of presidential duties in Cuba since Castro's inauguration in
1976. [84]
Due
to the issue of presidential succession, and Castro's longevity,
there has long been rumor, speculation and hoaxing about
Castro's health and demise. In 1998 there were reports that he
had a serious brain disease, later discredited.[85] In June,
2001, he apparently fainted during a seven-hour speech under the
Caribbean sun.[86] Later that day he finished the speech,
walking buoyantly into the television studios in his military
fatigues, joking with journalists.[87]
In
January 2004, Luis Eduardo Garzón, the mayor of Bogotá, said
that Castro "seemed very sick to me" following a meeting with
him during a vacation in Cuba.[88] In May 2004, Castro's
physician denied that his health was failing, and speculated
that he would live to be 140 years old. Dr. Eugenio Selman
Housein said that the "press is always speculating about
something, that he had a heart attack once, that he had cancer,
some neurological problem", but maintained that Castro was in
good health.[89]
On
20 October 2004, Castro tripped and fell following a speech he
gave at a rally, breaking his kneecap.[90] Five days after the
fall, he appeared on television for two hours, making jokes
about staircases. A month later he stood briefly while receiving
a present from the visiting Chinese President Hu Jintao. Two
months after his fall a smiling Castro walked for the first time
in public. [91]
Because of his large role in Cuba, his well-being has become a
continual source of speculation, both on and off the island, as
he has grown older. The CIA has long been preoccupied with
Castro's health.[92]
In
2005 the CIA said it thought Castro has Parkinson's disease.[93]
[94] Castro denies such allegations, while also stating "I don't
care if I get Parkinson's. The Pope had Parkinson's, and he
spent a bunch of years running all around the world."[95]
As
of August 2nd, rumors persist [1] that Castro is already dead.
The theory is that if he was suddenly pronounced dead, there
could be an uprising. If he was declared to be "sick", his
brother Raúl could transfer into power over the course of a few
weeks while Fidel "lingers." His final "death" could be then
used to as a pre-arranged celebration.
Castro and human rights
Some studies report that up to several thousands of political
opponents have been killed, primarily during the first decade of
Castro's leadership;[96] however exact numbers are not known.
Some Cubans labeled "counterrevolutionaries", "fascists", or
"CIA operatives" have been imprisoned in extremely poor
conditions without trial. [97] Military Units to Aid Production,
or UMAP's, were labor camps established in 1965, according to
Che Guevara, for “people who have committed crimes against
revolutionary morals” as well as Castro's concept of "social
deviants," including homosexuals and AIDS victims, in order to
work "counter-revolutionary" influences out of certain segments
of the population. [98] Professor Marifeli Pérez Stable, a Cuban
American who once supported the revolution, reflects on the
costs of the Cuban revolution. "[There were] thousands of
executions, forty, fifty thousand political prisoners. The
treatment of political prisoners, with what we today know about
human rights and the international norms governing human rights
... it is legitimate to raise questions about possible crimes
against humanity in Cuba." [99]Castro acknowledges that Cuba
holds political prisoners, but argues that Cuba is justified
because these prisoners are not jailed because of their
political beliefs, but have been convicted of
"counter-revolutionary" crimes, including bombings. [100]
Fidel Castro portrays opposition to the Cuban government as
illegitimate, and the result of an ongoing conspiracy fostered
by Cuban exiles with ties to the United States or the CIA. Many
Castro supporters say that Castro's measures are justified to
prevent the fall of his government, whereas his opposition says
he uses the United States as an excuse to justify his continuing
political control.
Castro and religion
Castro is an atheist and has not been a practicing Roman
Catholic since his childhood. Pope John XXIII excommunicated
Castro in 1962 on the basis of a 1949 decree by Pope Pius XII
forbidding Catholics from supporting communist governments. The
excommunication was aimed at undermining support for Castro
among Catholics. For Castro, who had previously renounced his
Catholic faith, this was an event of very little consequence,
nor was it expected to be otherwise.
In
1992 Castro agreed to loosen restrictions on religion and even
permitted church-going Catholics to join the Cuban Communist
Party. He began describing his country as "secular" rather than
"atheist".[101] Pope John Paul II visited Cuba in 1998, the
first visit by a reigning pontiff to the island. Castro and the
Pope appeared side by side in public on several occasions during
the visit. Castro wore a dark blue business suit (in contrast to
his fatigues) in his public meetings with the Pope and treated
him with reverence and respect.[102] The Pope generally stayed
away from overt political themes, emphasizing that his trip was
designed to strengthen the Catholic Church in Cuba. However, he
denounced the US embargo on Cuba as "restrictive economic
measures – unjust and ethically unacceptable". The message was
somewhat obscured in the U.S. media, though, as the Monica
Lewinsky scandal broke upon the Pope's visit to Cuba.[103] He
also criticized widespread abortion[104] in Cuban hospitals and
urged Castro to end the government's monopoly on education to
allow the return of Catholic schools. A month later Castro
condemned the use of abortion as a form of birth control.[105]
In
December, 1998, Castro formally re-instated Christmas Day as the
official celebration it was formerly before the Communist Party
abolished it in 1969.[106] Cubans were again allowed to mark
Christmas as a holiday and to openly hold religious processions.
The Pope sent a telegram to Castro thanking him for restoring
Christmas as a public holiday.[107]
Castro attended a Roman Catholic convent blessing in 2003. The
purpose of this unprecedented event was to help bless the newly
restored convent in Old Havana and to mark the fifth anniversary
of the Pope's visit to Cuba.[108]
The
senior spiritual leader of the Orthodox Christian faith arrived
in Cuba in 2004, the first time any Orthodox Patriarch of the
2,000-year-old Orthodox faith has visited Latin America in the
Church's history. Patriarch Bartholomew consecrated a cathedral
in Havana and bestowed an honour on Fidel Castro. His aides said
that he was responding to the decision of the Cuban Government
to build and donate to the Orthodox Christians a tiny Orthodox
cathedral in the heart of old Havana.[109]
After the Pope's death in April 2005, an emotional Castro
attended a mass in his honor in Havana's cathedral and signed
the Pope's condolence book at the Vatican Embassy.[110] He had
last visited the cathedral in 1959, 46 years earlier, for the
wedding of one of his sisters. Jaime Cardinal Ortega led the
mass and welcomed Castro, who was dressed in a black suit,
expressing his gratitude for the "heartfelt way the death of our
Holy Father John Paul II was received (in Cuba)."[111]
Castro as a public
figure
By
wearing military-style uniforms and leading mass demonstrations,
Castro projects an image of a perpetual revolutionary. Large
throngs of people gather to cheer at Castro's fiery speeches,
which typically last for hours. Many details of Castro's private
life, particularly involving his family members, are scarce and
Castro, often referred to as "Comandante" ("Commander"), insists
that he does not promote a cult of personality. When asked about
the matter in 1985 he replied,
Although we have been dogmatic, we have never preached cult of
personality. You will not see a statue of me anywhere, nor a
school with my name, nor a street, nor a little town, nor any
type of personality cult because we have not taught our people
to believe, but to think, to reason out."[112]
Despite this, Castro was accused by American anarchist Sam
Dolgoff of "bask[ing] in the adulation and servility of his
subordinates" and "creating a regime built around the cult of
the personality functions" encouraging "the illusion that only
he and his select group of revolutionaries have earned the right
to wield unlimited power over the people of Cuba."[113] Castro
has also been described as an example of the rise of a distinct
"charismatic leader"[114] common to developing nations, and of
encouraging the "personalistic political regime". This theory
contends that Castro has maintained power largely through highly
visible, charismatic leadership and popular appeals to the Cuban
people, though the administration is successful only as long as
the leader's charisma lasts.[115]
Personal
Family
By
his first wife Mirta Díaz-Balart, Castro has a son named Fidel
"Fidelito" Castro Díaz-Balart. Mirta and Castro were divorced in
1955, and Mirta now lives remarried in Madrid. Fidelito was
later returned to Cuba, where he ran Cuba's atomic-energy
commission before being removed from the post by his
father.[116]
Fidel has five other sons by his second wife, Dalia Soto del
Valle: Alexis, Alexander, Alejandro, Antonio, and Angel.[116]
While Fidel was still married to Mirta, he had an affair with
Naty Revuelta resulting in a daughter named Alina
Fernández-Revuelta[116]. Alina left Cuba in 1993 and sought
asylum in the United States. She has been a vocal critic of her
father's policies. During his days in the Sierra, Castro was
linked romantically with fellow rebel Celia Sánchez, though
support for this theory isn't as common as it was.
Wealth
In
2005, American business and financial magazine Forbes listed
Castro among the world's richest people, with an estimated net
worth of $550 million, based on the dubious premise of economic
control of state-owned companies. In 2006, Forbes magazine
increased their estimate of Castro's wealth to $900 million
[117] but acknowledged in the article that the estimates for all
the leaders are "more art than science" and admitted that they
had based their report on assumptions.[118]. Castro responded to
the report by saying:
If they can prove I have an account abroad... containing even
one dollar I will resign my post. [119]
Attempts have been made to provide a clear and in-depth overview
of Castro's large economic influence and financial status. [120]
These attempts often must rely on the testimonials of defectors
who were close to Castro and investigators have not been able to
give hard evidence of his real worth. In addition, although the
evidence is clear that Cuba as an entity must and does operate
within the nexus of global capital markets as a "global
conglomerate", it is difficult to separate the state from the
individual and vice versa. Castro maintains that these
activities are for the benefit of the state and not for personal
gain. Whether or not the wealth that he controls as the head of
state is to be considered personal wealth or not is a matter of
controversy. What is generally accepted is the fact that Cuba as
an entity acts in world markets as any other financial and
economic entity must.
Recently, British MP George Galloway, who has a history of
supporting Castro, [121] made a live appearance on Cuban TV to
defend Castro against the charges. [122]
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2006-05-20.
-
^ Pope's
Christmas message for Castro. BBC News (December 28 1998).
Retrieved on 2006-05-20.
-
^ Castro attends
convent blessing. BBC News (March 9 2003). Retrieved on
2006-05-20.
-
^ Gibbs, Stephen
(January 22 2004). Castro greets Orthodox patriarch. BBC
News. Retrieved on 2006-05-20.
-
^ Newman, Lucia
(April 6, 2005). Castro signs pope's condolence book.
CNN.com.
-
^ Batista, Carlos
(2005-04-05). Fidel Castro mourns pope at Havana cathedral.
Caribbean Net News. Retrieved on 2006-05-11.
-
^ "Fidel Castro"
PBS Online Newshour February 12, 1985.
-
^ Sam Dolgoff.
The Cuban Revolution: A Critical Perspective.
-
^ Towards a
theory of the routinization of Charisma
-
^ Erin Bream,
Personalistic Political Leadership in Castro's Cuba.
-
^ a b c Jon Lee
Anderson, "Castro's Last Battle: Can the revolution outlive
its leader?" The New Yorker, 31 July, 2006. 51.
-
^ Gershberg,
Michele (2006-05-04). Castro worth $900 million: Forbes.
Yahoo.com. Retrieved on 2006-05-11.
-
^ Castro Denies
Forbes Report on His Wealth. Yahoo.com (2006-05-16).
Retrieved on 2006-05-16.
-
^ Castro Denies
Forbes Report on His Wealth. Yahoo.com (2006-05-16).
Retrieved on 2006-05-16.
-
^ Werlau, Maria
C. (2005). "Fidel Castro, Inc.: A Global Conglomerate"
(PDF). Cuba in Transition. Retrieved on 2006-05-28.
-
^ Adams, Tim
(April 25 2004). 'I've committed many sins'. The Guardian.
Retrieved on 2006-07-06.
-
^ Gibbs, Stephen
(May 2 2006). Galloway backs Castro on Cuba TV. BBC News.
Retrieved on 2006-06-13.
-
Further reading
-
Alarcón Ramírez,
Dariel ("Benigno")1997 Memorias de un Soldado Cubano: Vida y
Muerte de la Revolución. Tusquets Editores S.A. Barcelona,
ISBN 848319942
-
Ameringer,
Charles D 1995 The Caribbean Legion Patriots, Politicians,
Soldiers of Fortune, 1946-1950 Pennsylvania State University
Press (December, 1995) (Paperback) ISBN 0271014520
-
Álvarez Batista,
Gerónimo 1983. III Frente a las puertas de Santiago.
Editorial Letras Cubanas, Havana.
-
Ames, Michaela
Lajda; Mendoza, Plinio Apuleyo; Montaner, Carlos Alberto;
Llosa, Mario Vargas; Montaner, Carlos Alberto. Guide to the
Perfect Latin American Idiot.
-
Anderson, Jon Lee
1997. Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life, Bantam Press, ISBN
0553406647 or Grove Press, ISBN 0-8021-1600-0
-
Aparicio
Laurencio, Angel 1975 "Antecedentes desconocidos del nueve
de abril" Ediciones Universal, Madrid. ISBN 8439913362
-
Batista,
Fulgencio 1960 Repuesta. Manuel León Sánchez S.C.L., Mexico
D.F
-
Bancroft, Mary
1983. Autobiography of a spy. William Morrow and Company.
Inc. New York. ISBN 0688020194
-
Bonachea, Ramon L
and Marta San Martin 1974. The Cuban insurrection 1952-1959.
Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, New Jersey ISBN
0878555765
-
Castro, Fidel,
History Will Absolve Me, Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, La
Habana, 1975
-
de la Cova,
Antonio Rafael (In Press) The Moncada Attack: Birth of the
Cuba Revolution University of South Carolina Press
-
Fontanova,
Humberto 2005 Fidel: Hollywood's Favorite Tyrant. Regnery
Publishing Company, Washington DC. ISBN 0895260433
-
Franqui, Carlos
(Translator Albert B. Teichner) 1968 The Twelve. Lyle Stuart
New York ISBN 0818400897 Carlos Franqui
-
Furiati, Claudia
2003 Fidel Castro: La Historia Me Absolvera. Diane Pub Co.
ISBN 0756776112
-
Gonzalez,
Servando 2002 The Secret Fidel Castro: Deconstructing the
Symbol. Spooks Books, U.S. ISBN 0971139105 ISBN 0971139113
-
Gott, Richard
(2004). Cuba: A New History. Yale University Press. ISBN
0300104111
-
Guevara, Ernesto
“Che” (and Waters, Mary Alice editor) 1996 Episodes of the
Cuban Revolutionary War 1956-1958. Pathfinder New York. ISBN
0873488245
-
Holland, Max 1999
A Luce Connection: Senator Keating, William Pawley, and the
Cuban Missile Crisis. Journal of Cold War Studies 1.3,
139-167.
-
Johnson, Haynes
1964 The Bay of Pigs: The Leaders' Story of Brigade 2506. W.
W. Norton & Co Inc. New York. 1974 edition ISBN 0393042634
-
Lagas, Jacques
1964 Memorias de un capitán rebelde. Editorial del Pácifico.
Santiago, Chile.
-
Latell, Brian.
2005. After Fidel: The inside story of Castro's regime and
Cuba's next leader. Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
-
Lazo, Mario 1968
Dagger in the heart: American policy failures in Cuba. Twin
Circle. New York
-
Martin, Lionel
1978 The Early Fidel: Roots of Castro's Communism Lyle
Stuart, Secaucus New Jersey; 1st ed edition ISBN 0818402547
p. 25.
-
Matos, Huber,
2002. Como llego la Noche. Tusquet Editores, SA, Barcelona.
ISBN 848310944
-
Morán Arce, Lucas
1980 La revolución cubana, 1953-1959: Una versión rebelde
Imprenta Universitaria, Universidad Católica; ISBN
B0000EDAW9
-
de Paz-Sánchez,
Manuel 1997. Zona Rebelde. La diplomacia Española ante la
revolución cubana. Litografía Romero. S.A. Santa Cruz de
Tenerife, Canary Islands, Spain ISBN 847926263X
-
de Paz-Sánchez,
Manuel 2001. Zona de Guerra. España ante la Revolución
Cubana. Litografía Romero. S.A. Santa Cruz de Tenerife,
Canary Islands, Spain ISBN 8479263644
-
Priestland, Jane
(editor) 2003 British Archives on Cuba: Cuba under Castro
1959-1962. Archival Publications International Limited,
2003, London ISBN 1903008204
-
Rojo del Río,
Manuel. 1981 La Historia Cambio En La Sierra. Editorial
Texto, San José, Costa Rica 2a Ed. Aumentada
-
Ros, Enrique 2003
Fidel Castro y El Gatillo Alegre: Sus A~nos Universitarios (Coleccion
Cuba y Sus Jueces) Ediciones Universal Miami ISBN 1593880065
-
U.S. State
Department 1950-1954. Confidential Central files Cuba
1950-1954 Internal Affairs Decimal Numbers 737, 837 and 937,
Foreign Affairs decimal numbers 637 611.37 Microfilm Project
University of Publications of America, Inc. PDF version, PDF
version
-
PBS American
Experience. Fidel Castro - Further reading. PBS Online /
WGBH. HTML version
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